The conflict exploded but the reasons for its continuation vary according to groups. The Nationalists fight for political and economic reasons. They want a unified Ireland with an economic position and political dependency, but the Unionists are psychologically afraid that the Republic of Ireland in the South will try to swallow them. Religion plays a big role among the Unionists, especially because for Ian Paisley, the religious leader of the extremist Protestant churches and head of their political party and for his followers, the religious reasons have a heavy weight. They consider the fight a collision between Christians and anti Christians and they defend Protestant religion, opposing strongly the mistaken Roman Catholic doctrine. For the Protestant followers of Ian Paisley Religion is number one cause of the conflict, but for others, particularly Catholics, political and economic elements are the main reason. Nevertheless, although religion might not the number one reason, the responsibility of the Catholic Church should not be denied.

The central message of the Catholic Church was to criticize violence, instead of trying to remove structural violence. As Colm O’Doherty says, the single most obvious note struck in the vast majority of statements issued by the Catholic hierarchy, concerning the violence in Northern Ireland since 1968 is that of condemnation.

It must be admitted, however, that at the heart of such helping and pastoral concerns lies a serious danger, that of becoming, or seen as, a tribal chaplain. The images of two tribes has often been used to depict the troubles in Northern Ireland, the native Irish against the colonizers. In such a situation where speaking from within one identity, to embrace those on the other side. Instead of being religious leaders, the Catholic Church has become a tribal spokesperson in their community. Cecilia Clegg and Joseph Liechty of the Irish School of Ecumenics, who have been involved in the 'Moving Beyond Sectarianism' project, talk about a priest standing helplessly across the street while an IRA man pumped bullets into the head of a RUC man fallen at his feet.

The most important and difficult task in the Northern Ireland peace process was to stop the violence of IRA and put them in the democratic process, facilitate dialogue among Gerry Adams and John Hume, persuade the Catholic hierarchy, the Irish and British Government that IRA/Sinn Fein is seeking peace sincerely. It is, by now, well-known that the Redemptorists in Clonard Monastery and Frs. Alex Reid and Gerry Reynolds in particular, had a significant part to play in this process. The key element for their work is 'dialogue and relation-building'. Redemptorists treat the IRA as fellow human beings and built relationships with them. They do not simply condemn their actions and delve below their psyche to find out why they resorted to violence.

When the Jesuits arrived, the Churchill Park estate was a slum. Houses were empty and it was like a drinking club. Jim Bossy, a local leader of Community Center, said: "We moved there as a newly married couple. Many people abused alcohol. We could hear shots being fired. It was very depressing. My wife was almost close to nervous breakdown". Jesuits lived among them and taught them how to organize themselves and to take responsibility by themselves and to have more self-respect.

Jesuits developed a good relationship with Mrs Norma McConville, a member of the Church of Ireland, an officer of the Housing Executive. Portadown as a whole may be relatively prosperous, but 'Catholic' Portadown is anything but prosperous. The area in which Jesuits live in Portadown is quite deprived: about 73% of the people are unemployed. Because of this Jesuits worked alongside local lay people in helping to develop a Cooperative. The Cooperative built a community center in 1993. This was helped by a large grant from the Irish Jesuit Solidarity Fund, which had been set up from the sale of Jesuit land. In the center, on most nights of the week, between 70 and 150 young people are looked after by a team of volunteers. So many need special attention, either with reading, or with confidence building, or training for future employment.

Thus even though there is a small portion of the people who still have a strong victim complex, the majority of the nationalist community have grown in self-confidence and self-esteem through the work of community development. They are now ready to engage in contact with the Protestant people.

Developments within the Protestant community are, however, not as positive as on the Catholic side. There is a small portion of poor Protestant community. Moreover, even though a majority of the Protestants have not suffered from social deprivation and economic inequality as the Catholics, they have been in a insecure psychological state. They have lost power and status to a far greater extent than many Catholics realize. As a result, they are afraid of their whole identity being completely destroyed. The Catholics are a minority in Northern Ireland, but in the whole of Ireland the Protestants are a minority.

Developments within the Protestant community are, however, not as positive as on the Catholic side. There is a small portion of poor Protestant community. Moreover, even though a majority of the Protestants have not suffered from social deprivation and economic inequality as the Catholics, they have been in a insecure psychological state. They have lost power and status to a far greater extent than many Catholics realize. As a result, they are afraid of their whole identity being completely destroyed. The Catholics are a minority in Northern Ireland, but in the whole of Ireland the Protestants are a minority.

Community development work is to be affirmed as part of a developmental process leading to contact. But building bridges has been always difficult in Portadown. Because of lack of contact there are huge amounts of prejudice and misunderstanding. From an early point the British government was to point out that the problem of intercommunal relationships was a part of the problem that lay beyond the scope of the government or legislation. The 1972 discussion paper of William Whitelaw, secretary of state for Northern Ireland, declared that, both political theory and practical expression show that no scheme of government, however carefully drawn, can do more than present an opportunity for progress. It is in the hearts and minds of the people of Northern Ireland, and not just in the aims of Government or the words of Acts of Parliament, that the capacity for working and living together must flourish.

The relationship-building process is precisely the way in which not just the politicians but the people in two divided communities can cooperate. Many things have been attempted. The main ecumenical link has been the interdenominational Clergy Fraternal, a bi-monthly meeting of clergy. Joint visits to the homes of the victims of violence have taken place. A race was organized in the town by a Protestant community and by a Jesuit. The Passion drama was performed. It was cross-denominational, run by male and female, young and old. The history conference was organized. It was a healing of memories exercises. A Jesuit brother has built up relationships with Protestant families. In 1995 a rector of Parish Church (Church of Ireland) was optimistic about the situation of Portadown. Portadown was becoming a model of what people can do at grassroots level. He says: 'if anything will give the politicians courage to create an imaginative settlement of our problems, it must be what they see happening on the ground in local communities. I hope that they will take a look at Portadown'.

The issue on which the Jesuits had to spend most of their energy, especially between 1995-1997, was the Orange Parade in Portadown.

The Jesuits taking sides with the nationalists intensified the conflict. The church needs to keep a neutral position to contribute to the peace process. The church should not be too much involved in a zero sum game.

In Northern Ireland there are ecumenical communities such as Cornerstone Community, Corrymeela Community where Protestants and Catholics live together. An integrated school, where Protestant and Catholic students study together, started in 1981. In 1998 there were 43 schools and each year it increases in number.

In Northern Ireland people see things differently, depending on which community they come from. For most of the middle class unionists, the problem of the Northern Ireland conflict is the existence of the IRA. They cannot see sufferings which most of the nationalists have gone through. The RUC*9 is the best police force in Europe for most of the unionists, while it is the disgraced police force for Sinn Fein supporters. I introduce the idea of Galtung that the structural violence needs to be got rid of in order to establish positive peace. That idea may be applied in the situations such as Apartheid in South Africa or the rich and the poor in South America where the existence of structural violence is apparent. Ethnic conflicts like in Northern Ireland will not be solved just by liberating poor Catholics from an unjust structure. There are subjective elements involved concerning what are the structural violence (political, economical and cultural).

As Bloomfield says, the roots of the conflict often lie in the subjective relationships between the disputants. Transformation of the conflict is possible only through transformation of the disputant's perceptions of the conflict, and of each other. Feelings and perceptions must be shared and acknowledged, and mutual trust and understanding developed*10. In this context the value of Protestants and Catholics living together is immense. Ecumenical communities and integrated schools have fostered empathy, and a strong yearning for unity ?religious and political. Empathy has enabled them to see things from the other's point of view.

She held my hand tightly, and gripped me as hard as she could. She said, 'Daddy, I love you very much'. Those were her exact words to me, and those were the last words I ever heard say'. Then he went on to say: ' I bear no ill will. I bear no grudge. Dirty sort of talk is not going to bring her back to life .Don't ask me, please, for a purpose. I don't have a purpose. I don't have an answer. But I know there has to be a plan. If I didn't think that, I would commit suicide. It's part of a greater plan, and God is good. And we shall meet again'.

Loyalist paramilitaries admitted later that they were planning retaliation within hours of the Enniskillen bombing but were halted by the broadcast.

Another story is a story of Michael McGoldrick. He is Father of Michael McGoldrick (Junior), who, freshly graduated from Queen's University, who had been working, while studying, as a part-time taxi driver to support his child and his wife, then pregnant with their second child. He was shot dead in a random killing by Loyalist paramilitaries on July 8th 1996, as the conflict caused by the Orange Parade intensified. He talks about his experience. 'Nothing is worse than seeing your own child going into his ground. I said to the TV reporters that I forgave whoever had taken Michael's life, and I still forgive them'.

We cannot force this kind of forgiveness to the people, but because of this spirit of reconciliation the Northern Ireland peace process has made progress.

The most essential move to take to solve ethnic conflicts is to analyze the possibilities of political, economic and cultural structural violence and to show empathy with the cries of those suffering. Certainly, structural violence has been removed, but, as a result, since only one side has been supported and the struggle against the other group still remains, there is an important task left, that is to see things from the point of view of the other side.

If that could be done, the Christian churches divided in different communities, no matter how strong their sectarianism might become, could stimulate a coexistence with others by spreading a culture of peace that is built on a spirit of forgiveness, generous understanding and respect towards other people, including their paramilitary members and those of other ethnic groups.