We want to introduce here a somehow provocative article that has just been published by the Newsletter BLUEPRINT, December 2002. The author presents an account of the discussions going on in the USA concerning ethical options to international conflicts. Because of the length of the article, We just present a summary edited by our center. The full article can be found in the Web of the BLUEPRINT |
On November 12, 2002, the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops
expressed "serious concerns and questions about a possible war with
Iraq". Examining various approaches to "The War on Terror,"
Mark Mossa, S.J. suggests that there has been a failure of conviction and
creativity in seeking alternatives to war as a last resort in recent conflicts.
The just war teaching of the Church is presented in the sections on "Peace"
and "Avoiding War" in The Catechism of the Catholic Church (Catechism
2309). These are the conditions to be met before undertaking and while
sustaining an armed conflict. Briefly, they demand that the damage inflicted
by the aggressor must be lasting, grave, and certain (as, clearly, was
the death of thousands in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania on September
11), that all possible non-violent means of avoiding the conflict are exhausted,
that there be a serious prospect of success, and that the evil inflicted
(keeping in mind modern means of destruction) not be greater than that
to be eliminated.
These criteria can be a great help in discerning for oneself whether a
given conflict might be deemed just or not. But mostly they are meant to
help guide government authorities, who have a responsibility for the common
good, in the decision as to whether or not to undertake a war.
Many find the Church's recent social teaching a helpful supplement to the
just war tradition. In 1963's Pacem in Terris, John XXIII declared, "Men
are becoming more and more convinced that disputes which arise between
states should not be resolved by recourse to arms, but rather by negotiation"
(126).
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Therefore, in an age such as ours which prides itself on its atomic energy
it is contrary to reason to hold that war is now a suitable way to restore
rights which have been violated" (127).
The Second Vatican Council in Gaudium et Spes affirmed the just war tradition
while feeling compelled "by the addition of scientific weapons . .
. to undertake an evaluation of war with an entirely new attitude"
and warning, "The men of our time must realize that they will have
to give a somber reckoning of their deeds of war" (80).
Thus the Council affirmed a "new attitude" and legitimized conscientious
objection to war.
Pope Paul VI stresses the urgency of ending war and its causes, beginning
especially with disarmament. In Populorum Progressio he proposes a fund,
made up of money which would be otherwise spent on arms, to bring relief
to the destitute of the world, adding: "When so many people are hungry,
when so many families suffer from destitution, when so many remain steeped
in ignorance, when so many schools, hospitals and homes worthy of the name
remain to be built, all public or private squandering of wealth, all expenditure
prompted by motives of national or personal ostentation, every exhausting
armaments race, becomes an intolerable scandal" (53).
Paul VI emphasizes that "the development of peoples," not defense
budgets, is the best defense against war: "the new name for peace
is development" (Populorum Progressio 87).
John Paul II continues the emphases of his predecessors in Centesimus Annus
(51). Another name for peace is development. Just as there is a collective
responsibility for avoiding war, so too there is a collective responsibility
for promoting development" (52). He also recalls his reaction to the
Persian Gulf War: "I myself... repeated the cry:
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`Never Again War!' No, never again war, which destroys the lives of innocent
people, teaches how to kill, throws into upheaval even the lives of those
who do the killing and leaves behind a trail of resentment and hatred,
thus making it all the more difficult to find a just solution of the very
problems which provoked the war" (52)
There seem, then, to be at least three distinct identifiable trends in
the Church's social teaching: 1) A stronger anti-war stance prompted by
the destructive potential of modern weapons, especially nuclear arms 2)
A call for disarmament which includes a recognition of the role development
of peoples, rather than weapons, must play in achieving peace, and 3) Praise
for and promotion of conscientious objection and nonviolent alternatives
to war. The question is whether, as many claim, these statements represent
a shift or development in Church teaching on war.
Where Catholic teaching stands on this matter today? It is clear that there
is more than one morally legitimate response with regard to these matters.
We must heed the words of Pope John Paul II in his message for this year's
World Day of Peace, "No peace without justice, no justice without
forgiveness." We must, as he urges, set about the difficult task of
cultivating an attitude of forgiveness first within ourselves, and then
in our society: "The ability to forgive lies at the very basis of
the idea of a future society marked by justice and solidarity. By contrast,
the failure to forgive, especially when it serves to prolong conflict,
is extremely costly in terms of human development. Resources are used for
weapons rather than for development, peace, and justice...Peace is essential
for development, but true peace is only made possible through forgiveness."
We are called to dialogue and to contribute to the ongoing conversation
about how we as Christians are to promote peace and justice, even if that
includes war. Like it or not, the just war teaching is the teaching of
the Church and no Catholic discussion of war can take place without it.
And while those who choose the path of nonviolent resistance might insist
that they have nothing to talk about to those who would allow for the possibility
of war, and vice-versa, we all have a Christian duty to do so. "The
dread of being open to the ideas of others generally comes from our hidden
insecurity about our own convictions," explains Thomas Merton, "The
mission of Christian humility in social life is not merely to edify, but
to keep minds open to many alternatives" (Merton 24).
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In fairness to the reader, perhaps I should say a little about my own position
in this matter. As far back as I can remember (and perhaps it has something
to do with the fact that I was born in the sixties) I have been personally
opposed to war. It is indeed a matter of conscience for me and in my life
up until now I have yet to find anything to sway me from this position.
Yet I do believe that we must take the just war tradition seriously if
for no other reason than that it is and continues to be the teaching of
the Church. At the same time, however, we cannot ignore the evidence of
history and the challenges of the present insofar as they speak to the
danger and feasibility of war.
For those, then, who take the just war tradition seriously, I offer a final
thought. As much as people claim that it is the case, recent conflicts
have caused me to wonder how much more inclined people really are to negotiation
over armed conflict. The just war requirement that all other means of resolving
a conflict must be exhausted before proceeding with a war seems to be mostly
ignored and hardly attempted. I would be inclined to deem most recent wars
unjust simply because they failed to meet this one requirement, no matter
the other merits of the war. This I attribute to a failure of creativity
and initiative, which if one takes time to look at the social encyclicals
of the Church, will be found two important requirements for social change.
Government officials too often seem to see few alternatives to war beyond
ultimatums and limited diplomacy. It seems to me, for example, that the
U.S. refusal to negotiate before the attack on Afghanistan at least compromises,
if not totally negates, any claim to its being a just war. . . I hope my
point is clear. Government officials must be open to new and even radical
alternatives to war and be patient enough to see them through. Perhaps
this might be seen as compromising political popularity, but humankind
will be better preserved by work for peace than four more years of death-bringing
compromises.
* About the Author: Mark Mossa, S.J. is the Director of Campus Ministry and Community Service at Jesuit High School in Tampa, FL.(BLUEPRINT Volume LVI, No 4 / December, 2002) |
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